The thing that changed is a court ruling, and it is a month old.
On June 29 the Fifth Section of the Contentious-Administrative Chamber of Spain's Tribunal Supremo held that the disposicion adicional decima of the Ley de Extranjeria, the provision authorising summary rejection at the border, cannot be applied to people intercepted at sea [1].
The reasoning is narrow and technical. The statute permits rejection at "border containment elements", which the court read to mean physical obstacles: the fences at Ceuta and Melilla. Drones, thermal cameras and sensors, the court held, "no cumplen una funcion material de contencion, sino de vigilancia, deteccion y alerta" - they do not perform a material containment function, only surveillance, detection and alert [1].
A person intercepted in the water must therefore go through the ordinary return procedure: legal assistance, an interpreter, the ability to lodge a complaint, the ability to request international protection [1].
The ruling is narrower than it is usually described, and the Court said so itself. It reaches people who arrive by swimming, because they overcome no physical containment. The judgment expressly leaves open that the summary-rejection provision could apply at sea if physical containment elements were installed there [1]. This is not a general prohibition on maritime returns, and reporting it as one overstates it.
The people who said this would happen
On July 10 the Asociacion Unificada de Guardias Civiles asked for operational protocols. "Pedimos seguridad juridica para los agentes" - we ask for legal certainty for officers [8].
On July 15, Guardia Civil sources put it more bluntly: "Esto va a colapsar." This is going to collapse [7].
Fifteen days later Ceuta was recovering bodies.
July 30
Nine bodies were recovered from the water by Thursday evening. One by the Salvamento Maritimo vessel Salvamar Atria early in the day, then eight more by the Guardia Civil Maritime Service near the Tarajal border area, presumed drownings [3]. That figure is a floor as of the evening of July 30 rather than a final count, and it was still moving when this was published.
El Pueblo de Ceuta counts 13 deaths between Wednesday and Thursday, and 40 bodies recovered from Ceuta's coasts since January 1 [4].
Rachid Sbihi, the AUGC's provincial secretary in Ceuta, described what the crossing now involves: "Realizan travesias de 4, 6 e incluso 8 horas mar a dentro para no ser detectados." Crossings of four, six, even eight hours out at sea to avoid detection [6].
That evening the government mobilised Armed Forces units already stationed in Ceuta to reinforce the Guardia Civil, coordinated by the Mando de Operaciones. The published detail runs to 60 Guardia Civil border-surveillance officers plus three incoming platoons, 30 more officers from Andalusia, eight divers, 200 National Police, six patrol vessels and a helicopter [2].
No number was published for the soldiers. No statute was cited for the deployment either [2].
Be careful with the arrival numbers
They vary by a factor of fifteen depending on who is counting.
The official figure is 1,500 to 2,000 over the ten days to July 30, from the Interior Ministry and from Ceuta's president Juan Jesus Vivas. The Spanish fact-checking organisation Maldita.es reported that Vivas's approximately 2,000 was the only figure attributable to an official source at the time of publication, and that the Interior Ministry had released none [5].
Vozpopuli headlined 20,000. A 30,000 figure also circulated. Maldita traced it to Atalayar, a Morocco-linked publication, which conceded in the same breath that exact figures are difficult to establish [5]. Sbihi, who was reported citing the higher numbers, also said exact figures cannot be given [6].
For scale: Ceuta has 83,664 residents on 18.5 square kilometres [13]. Two thousand people is 2.4 percent of the city in ten days. That is a real strain, and it is not 30,000.
The 2021 comparison runs the other way
In May 2021 more than 8,000 people entered Ceuta in two days, including roughly 1,500 minors, after Moroccan forces relaxed border controls during a dispute over Spain's admission of Polisario Front leader Brahim Ghali for hospital treatment.
On the official figures, 2026 is running at roughly a quarter of that volume across five times the period.
The other difference matters more. In 2021 Morocco was widely understood to have opened the gate deliberately. This week Spain's own Interior Ministry publicly thanked Moroccan authorities for cooperation, Moroccan diplomatic sources denied any intent to facilitate crossings, and the two governments agreed to work toward returns [12]. No government or intelligence source has accused Morocco of engineering this one.
What Strasbourg actually held
The ruling is often reported as though Spain's court has gone further than European law requires. The opposite is closer to true.
In N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, decided by the Grand Chamber on 13 February 2020, the European Court of Human Rights held that summary expulsion of two men who scaled the Melilla fence did not violate the prohibition on collective expulsion, reversing an earlier chamber judgment [9].
The Court left the Hirsi principles untouched: pushbacks at sea remain prohibited [9]. The land-and-sea distinction that Spain's Supreme Court drew in June is the same line Strasbourg drew in 2020.
The number nobody disputes
Caminando Fronteras recorded 3,090 deaths and disappearances on routes to Spain between January 1 and December 15 last year, across 303 separate tragedies. Among them 192 women and 437 children and adolescents [11].
On the Strait of Gibraltar route specifically: 139 people, of whom 24 percent were children and adolescents [11]. That is about 33 children, on one route, in one year, before the ruling that made this month's crossings longer and further out.